An Analysis of the Plot of True Grit Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

An Analysis of the Plot of True Grit - Essay Example III. Maddie begins for her search for Chaney A. Marshall Cogburn tries to discourage her from joining the quest but she refuses to be dissuaded from doing so. B. Marshall Cogburn and Maddie begin looking for clues to Chaney’s wherea\bouts 1. They discover that Chaney used one of Frank’s gold pieces in the Indian territory. 2. They meet Quincey and Moon and encounter the Pepper Gang. IV. Maddie comes face to face with Chaney who tries to kill her. A. Chaney gets killed B. Maddie gets bitten by a snake but Cogburn saves him The movie â€Å"True Grit† is the story of a young girl’s determination to seek justice for the death of her father. The viewer learns this immediately from the girl named Maddie Ross who explains at the beginning of the film how her father was killed by a man named Tom Chaney. The succeeding segment of the film show the steps taken by Maddie as she goes on a quest to find her father’s killer. One of the important things that she d oes is find a person like Marshall Cogburn to help her in bringing Tom Chaney to justice. At the onset, it appears that it is only Maddie who is on a quest to seek her father’s killer. The viewer discovers however that a Texas Ranger named Le Bouef is also looking for Tom Chaney who murdered a senator in Texas. ... One of the important elements of the film that was significant was the characters themselves. The quest for Tom Chaney brought out the best in Maddie, Marshall Cogburn, and the Texas Ranger LeBouef. Maddie was able to demonstrate that in spite of her age, she acted with great courage and wisdom. She knew where she was going and what she had to do. It is for this reason that Cogburn, who thought of her as a child acting on impulse, could not easily get rid of her. One must remember that the reason why she bought a horse and went along on the quest was to make sure that she’s going to get her money’s worth. Marshall Cogburn who was portrayed as a drunk showed that he has some decency left in him when he decided to forget all about the reward money and honor the deal he and Maddie made. He also showed his displeasure for cruelty when he stopped LeBouef from spanking Maddie and when he knocked off two Indian boys who were hurting a mule. Above all, he showed true grit when he carried the wounded Maddie for several miles to get her to a doctor. LeBouef also lived up to his being a Texas Ranger when he came back for Maddie who almost got killed by Tom Chaney. The pattern followed by the film involves an incident that takes place and forces the leading character to go on a quest. Knowing that the quest is difficult, the leading character recruits others to help him or her succeed in achieving his or her goal. In the case of Maddie, she gets help from Cogburn and LeBouef. The characters encounter several challenges that tend to derail them from achieving their goal but they are able to overcome these obstacles. Maddie for instance failed to be dissuaded by Cogburn and LeBouef,

Eduardo Bonilla-Silvas Book, Racism Without Racists Essay -- Color Bl

Race has been an issue in North America for many years. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva discusses the new racism in his book, Racism without Racists. Bonilla-Silva classifies the new racial discrimination as color blind racism. Color blind racism is then structured under four frames (26). Color blind racism is believed to have lead to the segregation of the white race from other minorities called white habitus. Color blind racism and white habitus has affected many people, whom don’t even realize that they are, have been or will be affected. Color blind racism is an â€Å"ideology, which acquired cohesiveness and dominance in the late 1960s, explains contemporary racial inequality as the outcome of nonracial dynamics,† according to Bonilla-Silva (2). In order to analyze color blind racism, Bonilla-Silva relies â€Å"mostly on interview data (11)† through a 1997 Survey of Social Attitudes of College Students and a 1998 Detroit Area Study (DAS) (12). Bonilla-Silva then breaks down the analysis of color blind racism into four central themes to convey how whites explain a world without racial issues: abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural racism, and minimization. Abstract liberalism is â€Å"ideas associated with political liberalism and economic liberalism† (28). Abstract liberalism is used for a wide range of issue therefore Bonilla-Silva gives a few different examples of when this frame is used. Rationalizing Racial Unfairness in the Name of Equal Opportunity was used when asking white students â€Å"if minorities should be provided unique opportunities to be admitted into universities† (31). Most whites will state that everyone should have an equal opportunity. Those whites, â€Å"ignored the effects of past and contemporary discrimination on... ...with other races and eventually it will become second nature. Obviously, the government cannot make those integrated communities communicate but I believe that with time neighbors will start to talk to one another or if nothing else some type of promotion for community block parties, similar to when I was a kid, would assist in the communication process. That is how I remember meeting the neighbors. Community block parties are non-existent now days but I believe they are beneficial to everyone! With a little effort from everyone, we can make it happen, a life without racism! References Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo (2003). Racism without racists. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group. Charles, Camille (2003). The dynamics of racial residential segregation. Annual Review of Sociology, 167. Retrieved from http://jstor.org/stable/30036965.

Opioid Substitution Treatment Barriers Health And Social Care Essay

ISSUES. Opioid permutation intervention is internationally recognised as the most effectual intercession available to handle opioid dependance. There is concern that capacity at public clinics and pharmaceuticss is deficient to run into high demand, ensuing in a cohort of opioid-dependent patients left untreated. Research has focussed on pharmaceutics barriers to OST bringing but small is known about the public clinic sector. APPROACH. A narrative reappraisal was conducted by thorough scrutiny of relevant literature in electronic databases ; Medline, CINAHL and Cochrane. Cardinal FINDINGS. Despite the enlargement of OST and vacancies in pharmaceuticss, some opioid-dependent patients continue to confront barriers that block entree to intervention. These barriers are varied and multi-faceted. For the patient, stigma and a compulsory dispensing fee are important deterrences to pharmacy dosing. For the druggist, negative behaviors associated with OST patients such as debt, larceny and aggressive behavior and full capacity are grounds that impede proviso of OST. In public clinics, the backlog of stable patients non being transferred to pharmacy dosing is a suspected barrier that has non been extensively investigated. IMPLICATIONS. Research has explored pharmaceutics and patient barriers to OST entree but less is known about the public clinic barriers. More research is warranted into public clinics to clarify possible barriers of all grades of the OST system. CONCLUSION. This reappraisal emphasises the dearth of research into OST bringing in public clinics. Further probe into the processs of OST in clinics is necessary and should concentrate on patient appraisal, referral and direction. Keywords: opioid permutation intervention, pharmaceutics, clinic Word count: 246 Researching barriers to opioid permutation intervention in pharmaceuticss and public clinicsIntroductionOpioid dependance carries a scope of important inauspicious wellness, economic and societal jobs to the person and wider community, including the hazard of overdose, the spread of infective diseases ( HIV/AIDS, hepatitis B and C ) , psychological jobs, drug-related offense, wellness impairment and household break [ 1, 2 ] . Opioid permutation intervention ( OST ) is internationally recognised as the most good and cost-efficient pharmacological intercession available for the intervention of opioid dependance [ 3, 4 ] . In response to an addition in the Australian population of heroin-dependent users in the 1990s [ 5, 6 ] the authorities introduced OST as a injury minimization scheme to understate these inauspicious effects [ 7 ] . Since so OST bringing has steadily increased under the National Pharmacotherapy Policy and National Drug Strategy [ 7, 8 ] . The figure of patients has ri sen in surplus of 2,000 clients per twelvemonth since 2007 and at the clip of authorship, there are presently over 46, 000 clients having intervention in Australia entirely [ 8 ] . In Australia, OST involves supervised day-to-day dosing of one of three long-acting opioid replacing medical specialties ( dolophine hydrochloride, buprenorphine or buprenorphine/naloxone ) . Most new patients are initiated into intervention by the doctor at a public clinic under the supervising of a nurse or instance director. In this scene they have entree to single instance direction, reding and specialist medical support at no charge. Once they become stabilised on intervention, patients are encouraged to reassign their dosing to a community pharmaceutics [ 2 ] , thereby emancipating their dosing topographic point at the public clinic for a new patient. There is a concern that this tract is non every bit smooth as it appears. As at June 2008, an estimated 41,000 opioid dependent people in the community were still unable to entree intervention and the job is declining [ 9 ] . Confusing the job is the fact that there is no bing agencies of measuring the precise demand for intervention and no systematic monitoring of waiting times in the pharmacotherapy system [ 9 ] . Proposed accounts for this issue are varied and multi-faceted. It is believed the system capacity at both the populace clinics and the community pharmaceutics degrees may non be sufficient to suit the high demand for OST, therefore the ground why an estimated 50 % heroin-users are non in intervention. Previous surveies have investigated the pharmaceutics barriers to OST but at that place appears to be a deficiency of research into the drug and intoxicant clinics [ 10, 11 ] . This reappraisal aims to research the literature refering to OST in Australia. In peculiar the reappraisal will look into the grounds for the â€Å" unmet demand † [ 9 ] of opioid dependant patients necessitating these services and the bing barriers to the proviso, entree and consumption of OST faced by both patients and healthcare suppliers.MethodA narrative literature reappraisal was conducted by thorough scrutiny of the literature in 3 electronic databases Medline, CINAHL and Cochrane. The undermentioned keywords and phrases were searched: â€Å" opiate ( opioid ) permutation ( replacing ) intervention ( therapy ) † , â€Å" referral † , â€Å" dolophine hydrochloride † , â€Å" buprenorphine † , â€Å" pharmaceutics † , â€Å" drug and intoxicant clinic † , â€Å" drug wellness clinic † and â€Å" harm minimization † . The mentions of relevant literature were besides searched. Documents were eligible for inclusion if they were written in English and published between the old ages 2000 and 2012. Documents were excluded if they chiefly focused on detoxification plans, naltrexone intervention, dolophine hydrochloride for hurting alleviation or if they pertained to patients other than big opioid-dependent patients. A comprehensive hunt of Australian cyberspace resources was besides conducted. The primary sites were Australian national and province authorities wellness policy and statistics sites ( hypertext transfer protocol: //www.druginfo.nsw.gov.au/ , hypertext transfer protocol: //www.aihw.gov.au/ , hypertext transfer protocol: //www.health.nsw.gov.au/ , hypertext transfer protocol: //www.nhmrc.gov.au ) and the UNSW National Drug & A ; Alcohol Research Centre ( NDARC ) .RESULTS AND DISCUSSION:Several surveies have shown OST to be associated with benefits including reduced illicit opioid usage, lower associated offense rates and improved wellness results [ 3, 12, 13 ] . It has besides been demonstrated to be more extremely cost-efficient than detoxification or rehabilitation [ 4 ] . In response to increasing demand, the figure of dosing sites in Australia has increased from 2,081 ( 2005-06 ) to 2,200 ( 2009-10 ) with the major addition being in the figure of new pharmaceuticss taking to offe r OST services [ 8 ] . Community pharmaceuticss are the chief suppliers of OST in Australia, accounting for 43 % of OST patients in NSW. This is in line with other states such as the UK, France, Germany and New Zealand where pharmaceutics is emerging as a head of OST proviso [ 14-16 ] . Although pharmacy proviso of OST has expanded, there are still people who can non entree these dosing sites, restricted by certain barriers. The lone solid grounds of these people is on waiting lists, but presently in Australia there is no official demand to supervise waiting lists or capacity [ 9, 17-19 ] . Factors explicating the inability of OST plans to run into current demand are multifaceted and interconnected and scope from deficient figure of intervention topographic points depending on location to barriers faced by patients in accessing OST such as rural location or restricted dosing hours. Much research has focussed on the challenges faced by suppliers of OST services, viz. community pharmaceuticss, GPs and public clinics.OST in community pharmaceuticsCommunity pharmaceutics histories for 43 % of OST patients in NSW. Most surveies on OST proviso are survey-based. In a study of NSW public clinic patients, 80 % of participants preferable pharmaceutics dosing over the clinic [ 20 ] . Benefits of pharmaceutics that have been cited in patient studies include greater community integrating, a more stable dosing environment, flexible dosing hours, less travel clip and cost ( the patient may be referred to a pharmaceutics closer to their reference ) and the chance for regular takeout doses [ 20-22 ] . Takeouts are extremely valued by opioid dependent patients as they facilitate the standardization of life [ 21 ] . Patients can devour their dosage unsupervised and the decreased frequence of dosing attending allows clients to prosecute employment and instruction chances and fulfil household duties. Sing they are merely routinely given to stable patients in community pharmaceuticss and non by and large in public clinics, takeouts are a major inducement to pharmaceutics dosing. Although demand and patient penchant for pharmaceutics dosing is high, patients may still confront barriers that deter them from come ining into pharmaceutics intervention. Stigma Whilst patients on OST reported high degrees of satisfaction, a common issue in dosing sites was the presence of negative staff opinion and stigma [ 10, 21, 22 ] . When Deering et Al. ( 2011 ) asked New Zealand OST patients how intervention could be improved, an overpowering bulk identified ‘better intervention by staff ‘ [ 10 ] . The position that staff behavior could be improved was supported in a study by Kehoe et Al. ( 2004 ) nevertheless contrastingly 80 % of respondents besides reported that staff intervention was satisfactory or first-class [ 21 ] . This disagreement suggests that whilst patients were overall satisfied with staff intervention, they still felt the demand for betterment. Financial load Another common hindrance to OST identified in the literature is the fiscal load of intervention faced by patients [ 11, 20, 22, 23 ] . Whilst intervention costs in NSW public clinics are to the full subsidised by the province authorities, pharmaceutics dosing incurs a hebdomadal dispensing fee runing from about $ 30- $ 35 [ 22 ] . In one survey, 32 % of public clinic patients surveyed claimed they could non afford the pharmaceutics distributing fees perchance explicating their involuntariness to reassign to pharmacy [ 20 ] . The balance were merely able to pay an mean $ 10 a hebdomad, an sum well lower than $ 33.56, the average hebdomadal dispensing fee reported by Lea et al [ 22 ] . The fact that 23 % pharmaceutics clients owed the pharmaceutics money for dosing [ 22 ] confirms that a significant figure of OST clients struggle to afford pharmaceutics distributing fees. The theoretical account used in Canberra in which 50 % of the distributing fee is subsidised, [ 24 ] is intended to ease the pecuniary load and act as an added inducement for intervention keeping or entryway. No surveies have yet evaluated the consequence of lower fees on patient keeping times. From the druggist perspective client debt likewise serves as a deterrence against the bringing of OST or uptake of new patients. Other jobs related to behavioral disinhibition, aggression, larceny and the negative impact on concern and other clients have all been identified as grounds impacting druggists ‘ proviso of OST [ 25, 26 ] . In contrast to pharmacist concerns, one survey in the UK interviewed pharmaceutics clients and found the bulk to be overall supportive of pharmaceuticss presenting drug user services [ 14 ] , with the specification that privateness was necessary. The demand for equal privateness is in line with OST patient positions [ 22 ] . However qualitative informations was sourced from interviews which may be skewed by interviewee disposition to give socially desirable replies. Role of the GP prescriber Another common job experienced by community druggists is the trouble reaching prescribers and the prescribing of takeout doses to unstable patients [ 26 ] . Pharmacists identified the hazard of recreation of takeout doses and hapless appraisal of stableness as issues that required improved interprofessional coaction with prescribers. Interestingly in one survey a bulk of druggists agreed that prescriber communicating was equal, nevertheless little sample size and the rural location which tends to further closer interprofessional relationships may be accountable [ 27 ] . Winstock et Al. ( 2010 ) recommends the public-service corporation of standardized resources such as the NSW Department of Health ‘Patient Journey Kits ‘ to steer multidisciplinary attention of OST patients [ 26, 28 ] . Another facet lending to system capacity is the reduced supply of prescribers for OST. GPs are frequently the first point of contact for opioid-dependent people. They are required to set about extra preparation to go commissioned opioid pharmacotherapy prescribers [ 29 ] . GPs play an intrinsic function in the initial showing, appraisal and on-going feedback and monitoring of OST clients. The issue lies in the ripening work force and the retirement of commissioned prescribers, thereby cut downing intervention entree [ 17 ] . Public clinics are the lone prescribing option but considerable barriers including full system capacity and the deficiency of motion of stable patients out of clinics into pharmaceuticss besides limit the public clinics ability to suit excess patients. Unexplained vacancies Despite grounds of an â€Å" unmet demand † [ 9 ] , a survey conducted by the National Drug and Alcohol Research Centre ( NDARC ) found that more than half of OST-providing pharmaceuticss reported an norm of 7 vacancies to dose extra patients. Data extrapolation of to all NSW pharmaceuticss registered to present OST suggests that there are about 3000 vacant dosing topographic points across NSW. Whilst a 3rd of pharmaceuticss in the survey were runing at full capacity, some pharmaceuticss reported functioning no clients [ 18 ] . This spectrum of clients across registered pharmaceuticss and the being of current vacancies exemplify the underutilisation of community pharmaceutics dosing topographic points. However the fact that these vacancies may non ever be located where the demand is highest has to be taken into consideration. For illustration patient entree to intervention in rural locations is frequently restricted due to limited pharmaceutics Numberss and longer going distan ces [ 25 ] . From the literature, it appears NSW pharmaceuticss have the capacity to increase consumption of clients, with a possible 70 % of pharmaceuticss capable but non willing to supply OST services. Factors identified that would promote druggists to increase client Numberss include the stableness of the patient, higher fiscal additions per client and the option to instantly return unstable patients to public clinics [ 18 ] . However some public clinics expressed concern about taking back unstable patients, proposing there was no warrant of available dosing capacity, one time a new patient had been inducted [ 18 ] .OST in public clinicsEntree to OST is determined by both the handiness of pharmaceuticss supplying OST every bit good as the capacity of public clinics to take on extra clients [ 19, 26 ] . However harmonizing to an expansive NSW state-wide study on OST by Winstock et Al. ( 2008 ) , there appears to be an underutilisation of available pharmaceutics dosing sites and limited capacit y in public clinics [ 19 ] . Whilst the bulk of literature has focussed on pharmaceutics proviso of OST, relatively less research has been conducted into the public clinic grade of the OST system despite representing 19 % of dosing patients in NSW [ 8 ] . Public clinics have become an increasing country of involvement driven by studies that the motion of stable patients through the clinics out to community pharmaceuticss appears to be dead [ 17, 19 ] . This is ensuing in a backlog of patients barricading new patients from accessing intervention at the clinics. The proportion of stable patients transferred from the clinics to pharmaceuticss is estimated to be really low at 3-15 % a month [ 18 ] . Surveyed patients have cited a reluctance or inability to afford a dispensing fee and feeling dying about reassigning [ 20 ] as grounds against transportation. Precedence groups Intensifying the limited capacity of public clinics is the duty of supplying priority entree of vacancies to groups that meet standards stipulated under NSW Health directives [ 2, 7 ] . Cohorts include released captives, pregnant adult females, people with HIV, hepatitis B bearers and those on a recreation plan as ordered by the tribunal. [ 19 ] Similarly clients that show hazardous forms of illicit substance maltreatment such as those with mental unwellness and intoxicant dependance, or those that exhibit aggressive or antisocial behaviors are better managed at the public clinic instead than at a pharmaceutics. As a consequence many patients who do non run into ‘priority ‘ position are forced to wait. Obviously there is a demand to increase the efficient transportation rate of patients out to pharmaceuticss to do infinite for these clients. As antecedently mentioned, there is no consistent systematic process or set guidelines to help clinicians in covering with these iss ues and as of yet, no research has been conducted on their response to pull offing these issues. A 2008 SWAT study of NSW public clinics reported that when unable to offer immediate intervention, clinics either provided injury decrease advice referred to another public clinic, a private clinic or a GP, or offered detoxification. The assortment of actions and the effectivity of each have non been assessed and look to be decided upon at the discretion of the presiding OST practician at the clinic. Recommendations by the SWAT squad include developing a standardised response when a clinic can non offer a intervention topographic point to a client, and systematic monitoring of capacity to explicate more timely intervention in the hereafter [ 19 ] . Stability appraisal and referral processs An obstruction inherent to the pharmacotherapy system is the clinical appraisal of patient stableness and referral process. The triage function of stableness appraisal is usually coordinated by Nursing Unit of measurement Managers ( NUMs ) or a cardinal stakeholder in the public clinic and involves reexamining patient dosing history and behavior and placing those suited for transportation [ 30 ] . Currently no surveies into the clinical function or preparation of NUMs in OST proviso have been conducted. Soon determinations are guided by clinical opinion. The lone available counsel is limited to authorities policy, instead than scientific grounds and no standardized guidelines exist [ 30 ] . Whilst there are over 300 hazard appraisal instruments available to mensurate results of patients in drug and intoxicant intervention, no individual standardised attack has been nationally adopted or endorsed for OST [ 30 ] . A survey by Winstock et Al. ( 2009 ) found that execution of a province broad preparation plan improved client stableness appraisal with 25 % of staff increasing the figure of clients transferred out to community pharmaceutics [ 31 ] . However the objectiveness of this survey was affected as the method involved clinicians self-reporting cognition and accomplishments prior to and after preparation. However the survey provides preliminary grounds that acceptance of standardized appraisal processes increases the transparence of clinical determinations and can better entree to O ST [ 19, 31 ] . As above-named there appears to be underutilisation of community pharmaceutics OST services with some dosing at full capacity, whilst at the other terminal of the spectrum, some pharmaceuticss serve no patients. The bulk of pharmaceuticss reported vacancies. Whilst 75 % of clinics reportedly monitored available capacity within local pharmaceuticss, it is possible that the remainder are directing clients to overfilled dosing sites [ 18 ] . No formal survey has as of yet explored how clients refer and allocate patients to pharmaceuticss and how pharmaceuticss are selected.DecisionFrom the reappraisal of the literature, there is grounds to propose that the current opioid permutation intervention capacity may non be sufficient to run into demand for intervention. Several barriers have been identified that restrict patient entree to intervention. Pharmacy barriers include the minority of community pharmaceuticss that opt in to present dosing, pharmacist reluctance to take on new patients due to perceived associated negative behaviors and old experiences and patient involuntariness or inability to pay the dispensing fee. The deficiency of prescribers is another aspect contributing to the decreased entree to available intervention. An country of involvement is the part of the public clinic grade of the OST system, nevertheless there is an evident dearth of research conducted into the direction of OST entree in public clinics. The dead flow of stable patients reassigning dosing from the public clinics to community pharmaceuticss is suspected to be impacting entree to intervention for new patients who do non run into precedence standards and are forced to wait. There is preliminary grounds to propose that a standardized attack to stability appraisal may ease stable patient transportation and liberate dosing sites in clinics for non-priority groups. Further research needs to be conducted into the stableness appraisal and referral processs of OST, the bing tools and processs and how effectual they will be in shuting the spread between demand and supply of OST.

Why Macbeth is a Tragic Hero - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 3 Words: 804 Downloads: 6 Date added: 2019/02/20 Category Literature Essay Level High school Tags: Macbeth Essay Did you like this example? A tragic hero is a person with a high social status, somebody who has a secret weakness that could eventually lead to a downfall, and when the characters life faces a downfall with courage and dignity. Generally, a tragic hero is a grievous legend that is seen as a respectable character. To go moreover, the character Macbeth happens to consist of these traits. With this in mind, I assert that Macbeth is, in fact, a tragic hero. To begin with, Macbeth was born into a noble family. After all, he was King Duncan’s cousin. But, more importantly he was a Scottish general that served under the king. In Act 1, scene 2, Macbeth led King Duncan’s forces in to battle. Macbeth had killed Macdonwald which led their troop into victory (Shakespeare). More into scene 2, his defeat stood out to King Duncan and he granted Macbeth nobility (Shakespeare). For Macbeths loyalty to King Duncan, he was awarded to be Thane of Cawdor (Shakespeare). He was previously the Thane of Glamis; but, was practically promoted, causing his status to increase. To put into other words, Macbeth was already considered a valiant and worthy general and Duncan was astonished by his bravery, leadership, and successfulness in battle. So, King Duncan decided to ascent him into Thane of Cawdor; which, was a big deal since that position held a great amount of power. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Why Macbeth is a Tragic Hero" essay for you Create order Subsequently, Macbeth had his flaws. His biggest weakness that stood out was his strong ambition. Although, it may not seem like a weakness; but it unravels a dark side to Macbeth. In scene 3, one of the witches told Macbeth that he will soon become king (Shakespeare). Macbeth believed it since the witches had predicted that he would become a thane earlier on in the play. Anyways, Macbeths aspiration and wanting to be top dog, is more essential to him than everything else is throughout his everyday life. He will surrender everything that he has throughout to have the opportunity to sit on the position of authority. For example, in Act 1, scene 7, Lady Macbeth is trying to convince Macbeth to kill Duncan, but he is very hesitant about it because he has no reason to do so (Shakespeare). Yet, this was the start to his strong desire of power. After he went through the murder of Duncan and was awarded King of Scotland (Shakespeare), he slowly regained his conscience after a rough patch an d acknowledged his strength and power. Macbeth then became fearful of his position and would do anything to stay as king, so he started to kill any potential candidates that could take that power from him. Another example would be in Act 3, scene 3, Macbeth became worried that Banquo was a threat to the throne so, he ordered three people to murder Banquo to be safe (Shakespeare). Overall, Macbeth’s heavy ambition caused him to kill for power and to soon feed off of fear in order to become more indomitable. As a final point, Macbeth faced a large downfall with courage and dignity. Towards the end in Act 5, Malcolm starts a battle against Macbeth in Dunsinane (Shakespeare). This battle was the main decline of Macbeths power. Although, Macbeth understands that he will die but he refuses to commit suicide (Shakespeare). He claims he would rather fight until the end. On the battlefield, he encounters Young Siward and faces off with him, eventually Macbeth kills Young Siward (Shakespeare), leading him to regain courage. Later on, Malcolm came across Macbeth determined to kill him. So, Malcolm and Macbeth commence to a match. Malcolm brutally kills Macbeth, ending the battle and Malcom gaining the title of king. This is to say, he fought with dignity until his faith came to an end. However, Macbeth does not draw any sympathy from the audience by claiming he doesn’t have time to mourn over his wife, Lady Macbeth’s death in Act 5, scene 5 (Shakespeare). Also, all the deaths like the servants he killed for his cover up, for the murder of Duncan. He insisted they were all just a part of his life. Yet, that sympathy within Macbeth varies from time. For example, when Macbeth hesitated on killing Duncan because Duncan has done nothing wrong to him and that was his cousin. He felt as if it was wrong and he wouldn’t deserve to be king after committing that crime. To conclude, Macbeth is a tragic hero by being born into a royal family, having a tragic flaw that he didn’t acknowledge was a problem, and he faced a downfall with courage. Overall, he fits the standards of being an unfortunate hero based on Aristotle’s definition of a tragic hero. Even though all the obstacles he has come a crossed, he held on to his sense of direction to reach the goal of being king.